Breton meeting promotes separatist links - 15-10-97

    Nationalist delegates from both the Celtic League and Mec Vannin (the Manx Nationalist Party were guest speakers at the Annual Congress of the Breton independence movement POBL last weekend. (Oct. 11/12).

     The separatist struggle in western Europe was firmly on the agenda and the devolution developments Scotland and Wales and the peace process in the north of Ireland featured in the Celtic League presentation. The League highlighted the success of both constitutional methods and direct action in advancing self determination for the Celtic Nations.

     The League also stressed the advantages to be gained via broader co-operation of the National movements in western Europe in the breaking down of repressive centralised control. The "Nation State" concept espoused by The United Kingdom, France and Spain was declared an irrelevance as Europe approaches the millennium.

     The Spanish government, in particular, came in for strong condemnation for its repression of the Basque National Movement and the "show trial" of leaders of the Basque party Herri Batasuna which was initiated in Madrid the previous week.

     This latest initiative is one of a number being undertaken to strengthen links both across the Celtic countries and to the broader separatist movement of western Europe.

     New information technology and in particular the Internet has both eased communications problems between the groups and allowed for faster and uncensored communication of ideas, campaigns and programmes. 


    The Way Forward - 15-10-97

    Paths to Independence in the New Europe

    Speech to the 15th Annual Congress of Partie pour l'Organisation d'une Bretagne Libre - POBL - Mur de Bretagne, 12th October 1997.
     

    by Bernard Moffatt, General Secretary, The Celtic League

    Comrades,

     It is with great optimism and pleasure that I address this meeting at this time, because never has recent history afforded us with so many opportunities as are currently before us. I say this, not only with reference to the progressive steps towards national determination within the sphere of the British isles, but also because the reawakened arena of Europe has given many the chance to continue the push for the realisation of nationalist goals in a new and meaningful way. Before I elaborate, I would like to stress the two main themes of my address.

     Firstly it is clear that the diversity of nationalist groups across Europe provides us with our first opportunity for strengthening our position. Never has it been so important to grasp the significance of this diversity. It affords us the scope for interaction and mutual support on a much larger scale than previously envisaged. The challenge is to utilise our common goals and come together to exchange ideas, tactics, strategies, support networks in short to increase the pressure we can exert by standing together with other nationalists in pursuit of our goals. I stress this, because the crucial effect of constant interaction with others necessarily rejuvenates and radicalises any movement. And we, as long standing nationalists must continually be aware of the need to change, to move, to rethink and keep ahead. This is the main point to grasp. The days of stagnant, purely cultural nationalism are over. Now is the time to adapt and act, because now is the time that nationalism is most relevant. But only we can make it so.

    So secondly in relation to this, I stress the importance of utilising any means that is available to us, in order to achieve our goals. It may be that exploiting the constitutional frameworks imposed on us produces advantageous results from time to time. It may be that passive resistance and civil protest can effectively take us towards consolidating our positions. Utilising the electoral processes at all levels constant scrutiny of government action, can all garner results. But are we prepared to stop there? Or can we take the risks associated with pushing protests beyond the legal limit when faced with impossible and unreasonable clampdowns on our rights and aspirations?

     Comrades, as I describe some of the gains the Celtic nations have made towards a national re-birth, I would ask you to bear these key words in mind METHOD and PURPOSE. Ask yourselves what is at the root of success? What can we learn from this? How can we develop this? What is the way forward?

    Lets take method first. There are two roads to travel here. Constitutional nationalism has arrived at the position of achieving at least three devolved governments within the Celtic sphere (Isle of Man, Scotland & Wales), and in the case of Northern Ireland we are seeing a state of affairs that seems certain to provoke change. This is no mean feat, despite devolution only being a partial form of self-government. Devolution as solution has been around since towards the end of the last century as a serious option, and only now are we seeing it come into effect. Only now has the weapon of elections been effectively utilised as the ultimate form of protest. Scotland & Wales most devastatingly ejected every last politician opposing some form of self government from their midst thereby ending any opposition to devolution. It turned speculation into real action. Frustration finally overcame apathy to produce the most startling, widespread and popular attack on the Union ever seen. The question we now have to ask is will devolution be enough? Many believe that it merely a sap to fob off any real progress towards national self determination. For instance Republican Sinn Fein are understandably suspicious of British motives in this area of policy, and doubt the sincerity or the practical value of any such "half measures", when the real goal is the continued pursuit of the centuries old struggle for independence. The Manx government is already admitting that the only further practical step is complete independence from Britain, and they join the myriad nationalist groups (E.g. SNP, Plaid Cymru, & Sinn Fein) who already see devolution as a logical step on the road to full independence. Obviously constitutional efforts must work towards this through practical plans for the economic realisation of this adding substance to the political theory.

    Again unity is key here between the different nationalist groupings. Each of us, at differing stages of national realisation must have a practical support network to facilitate the exchanging of ideas, advice and co-operation. This is not only key in developing ways forward, but also resisting the encroachment of our rights from repressive governments. For instance, the strengthened position of more Celtic countries will obviously have a positive effect on the claims of Breton and Cornish nationalists strengthening their position and providing a base of support for them to draw upon. Again Ireland is now bolstered in its goals by the whole devolution debate, forcing government acceptance at long last of republican groups and their position.

     The republican movement in Ireland provides a good example of the effectiveness of combining constitutional and anti-constitutional methods. It also spotlights the whole tactic of illegal engagement in political activity. The effectiveness of this strategy is not in its success rate, but simply its endurance. It is no longer important that the IRA win in a conventional military sense only that they are not beaten. In effect, this is winning: The loss of face by the British inability to ably defeat the IRA is crucial. IRA dependence on ordinary civilian support betrays the fact that indigenous support for this kind of struggle is constant and widespread further adding weight to claims of popular struggle. Military struggle, waged concurrently with struggle in the constitutional arena, has proved for the republican political movements and the various groups engaged in armed struggle, to be massively effective. It has allowed them to survive differing political climates by emphasising one area or the other, depending on the need, and surviving intact and more effective. It is encouraging that their campaign has evolved in efficiency and professionalism, and clearly shows the possibilities of this course of action.

    A factor in this has been their constant interaction with other dispossessed and oppressed peoples, most famously the ANC and the PLO. It has placed the Irish struggle at the forefront of world attention for nearly thirty years without relent, and ensured the continuing scrutiny of the British government - its methods and conduct- by the entire international community.

     Of course, Ireland provides an example of anti-constitutional activity taken to its logical extreme, but as the republican movement has shown, less intense anti-constitutional methods than purely military action can produce great effect and change. It can be no coincidence that strong protest and subversive action marked the period up to devolution in Wales & Scotland. Wales, in particular, saw a targeting of property owned by the English, and indicated a level of serious frustration previously ignored and denied by the British government. We again witnessed this in the Isle of Man, on a smaller scale, but it evoked a huge demonstration of public sympathy and support, and re-energized the indigenous Manx people. The phrase Enough is Enough springs to mind - all national peoples can justifiably ignore and frustrate repressive government, when that government continually ignores and frustrates those people and their claims. Remember we don't have to win on their terms just endure on our own. In this way we attract attention and support.

     Beyond the Celtic countries, we again see this at work. The Basques endure, dogged in method and approach, and persistent in upholding their rights and traditions despite the most intense pressure against them. And once more, we are struck by their effort to make a link between their struggle and other oppressed national groups. The message is clear. Our purpose is to utilise every feasible method available, and exhaust every avenue of communication that strengthens and revitalises those methods. It is our duty to connect and interact with other like-minded peoples, to unite, and nurture each others causes. The work of those within the Celtic nations has done much to enlighten and support each of our causes, and Celtic nationalism is a success story that can only grow stronger. As each nation strikes out to take one step nearer its goal of national self-determination, it can exchange its experiences and move onwards, more surely.

     To do this, to emphasise the links between nations, is to achieve a shared sense of will, a solid base in addition to that of home. But beyond Celtica, we have a rich source of friendship and support, and one we would be foolish to ignore. When we reconsider the few obvious examples I have just outlined of the benefits of interaction, then it is plain that the way forward is through increased co-operation and communication, particularly across Europe.

     The European context is vital. As we find ourselves moving towards an increased EU dominated future, then it is important we adapt and grasp the new ways of exerting pressure and manipulating this power, to support and uphold our rights. The subtleties of approach can only be gained by a sharing of experience by nation groups. Indeed Scottish nationalists now see independence within Europe as a goal to reach for. I find this path a little dangerous - replacing the UK within an even more huge and unwieldy government framework? Is this the point? But surely through shared discussion and the dissemination of ideas and strategies, Europe's nationalist groups can come up with the right methods to agitate and gain any advantages to be had. To close, I would again stress the words METHOD and PURPOSE, and add another UNITY. These three words hold the key to the answer to the question What is the way forward? I hope that in the future, we will see the peoples of Europe, on a regular basis , co-operate and move forward together. 


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